I. Introduction
“黑夜给了我黑色的眼睛，我却用它寻找光明。”
—“The Night has given me dark eyes. But I use them to look for light.”
Written by Gu Cheng in his One Generation, 1979; it was the very edge and hour before the dawn of China reopened her locked door to a globalizing world. While people were oftentimes shocked by this profound touching emotion expressed and resilience shown of the optimistic human spirit through just two lines, they don’t really know such situations were, are and, in the foreseeable future, will be there for Chinese rural residents, mostly peasants. Lives of around 600 millions, whose existence under the Hukou system had been a relentless search for light in a landscape overshadowed by systemic and institutionalized inequality. [1]
[2] Established during the tumultuous era of the Great Leap Forward (1958-1962), the Hukou (household registration) system was conceived as a means to control and direct the flow of China’s vast population, ensuring that the state’s industrial ambitions could be met. Yet, what began as an administrative mechanism quickly evolved into an apparatus of control that entrenched a stark divide between urban and rural lives.
In the cities, where the lights of progress and prosperity shone brightly, urban residents found themselves beneficiaries of the state’s largesse—better jobs, education, healthcare, and social services. Meanwhile, the rural population, bound by the rigid classifications of the Hukou system, remained in the metaphorical and literal darkness, excluded from the benefits of modernization. By the late 1980s, this division had manifested in a profound economic chasm; in 1985, the average income of urban residents was 2.5 times higher than that of their rural counterparts.[1] This disparity was not an accidental byproduct but rather a deliberate outcome of policies designed to prioritize urban development at the expense of the countryside.
[3] The Hukou system, therefore, was far more than a mere bureaucratic tool; it was also a powerful instrument of statecraft, used to engineer a society where the fruits of progress were unevenly distributed. As rural citizens fought the Korean war, labored in the fields, and contributed to the steel production goals of the Great Leap Forward, they were systematically denied the rights to move freely and opportunities of urban life in a degree severer than other Socialist countries. The system forged a socio-economic stratification that relegated the rural population to a life of hardship and marginalization—a divide that would persist long after the Great Leap Forward had ended, shaping one basic feature of a dualistic structure in Chinese society established during the Mao era and extending way beyond.[2]
By limiting rural-urban migration, tying rural populations to agriculture with limited potential profits, and curtailing access to social services, the government, chronologically through a sequence of PRC's distinct stages, achieved quicker partial industrialization, established the "Common Prosperity"[3] model of reform and opening up, and finally ensured that it has low-human-rights advantages necessary for sufficient labor to achieve initial capital accumulation during the earlier stages of these reforms.[4]
II. The Great Leap Forward and the Establishment of the Hukou System
Ideological Foundation of the Hukou System
The ideological foundation of the Hukou system was deeply embedded in the early ambitions of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to create a socialist state where the population was strictly controlled and mobilized according to the needs of the state.[1] The Common Program, adopted in September 1949, declared that the citizens of “the People's Republic of China have the right to freedom of residence and freedom of movement.”[4] However, this declaration of freedom was more aspirational than practical, as the CCP quickly recognized the necessity of controlling population movements to maintain social order and support its economic policies. The divergence between ideological promises and practical governance (as well as the promises to "democratic people" in China)[2] became increasingly pronounced as the state sought to assert control over its rapidly growing and diverse population. Mao Zedong himself acknowledged the need for such control, stating that it would be a “mess”2 if peasants are freely to enter towns and cities. This recognition set the stage for the development of the Hukou system as a critical tool of state-imposed control.[5]
The Early Development of the Hukou System
The early development of the Hukou system began with the Ministry of Public Security's Interim Regulations on the Administration of Urban Households, promulgated on July 16, 1951. These regulations were designed to centralize and formalize the management of the population, particularly in urban areas. The regulations outlined twelve key areas of control, including the registration of births, deaths, removals, relocations, and other social changes, all of which were to be overseen by public security organizations.3 This move was a clear indication of the state's intention to exert greater control over the population, reflecting Mao’s belief that “the state must have the ability to know where each person lives, works, and contributes to the socialist cause.”4 The focus on urban households during this period was a precursor to the more comprehensive system that would later be extended to the entire nation, as the CCP sought to manage not just cities, but also the vast rural areas that were critical to its economic and political goals.
The 1955 Establishment of a Nationwide Registration System
The formal establishment of a nationwide registration system came with the State Council’s Instruction on the Establishment of a Regular Household Registration System on June 9, 1955. This directive marked a significant escalation in the state’s efforts to control the population, extending the reach of the Hukou system beyond urban centers and into rural areas. The timing of this directive was crucial, as it coincided with the cooperative agricultural movement, which aimed to collectivize farming and increase agricultural productivity. However, these efforts were plagued by grain failures and food shortages, particularly in provinces such as Anhui, Henan, Hebei, and Jiangsu.5 In response to the worsening situation, peasants began to migrate to urban areas in search of better opportunities, prompting the state to further tighten its control over internal migration. This period marked the beginning of the Hukou system's role as a mechanism for not just managing the population, but for controlling the very movement of people across China, a move that was justified by the state as necessary to prevent social disorder and ensure the success of its economic policies.
[6] The State's Response to Rural Migration: The 1956 Instruction and 1958’s First Presidential Order
The state’s response to the increasing rural migration came in the form of the December 30, 1956, Instruction on Preventing the Blind Exodus of the Rural Population. This directive was a direct response to the failures of the cooperative agricultural movement and the subsequent attempts by peasants to escape the worsening conditions in the countryside. The CCP, under Mao’s leadership, was determined to prevent what it saw as a potential crisis of urban overcrowding and unemployment. Mao Zedong himself emphasized the importance of maintaining control over the rural population, stating that “the countryside must remain the foundation of our socialist economy; we cannot allow the cities to be overrun by those who abandon the land.”6 This instruction further solidified the role of the Hukou system in maintaining the separation between urban and rural populations, ensuring that the state could direct labor resources according to its economic needs and prevent the destabilization of urban areas. The directive also highlighted the growing reliance on bureaucratic mechanisms to enforce social control, as the CCP sought to manage the consequences of its own policies.
On January 9, 1958, after discussion and approval by the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, Mao Zedong signed the No. 1 Presidential Order, promulgating the first household registration system of China, the Regulations on Household Registration of the People's Republic of China. This established a relatively complete household registration system, including permanent residence, temporary residence, birth, death, emigration, migration, and change. This regulation strictly restricted farmers from entering cities in legal form, restricted population mobility between cities, and built a high wall between cities and rural areas. Only little disagreement was there as most of the Chinese people were eager and willing to build up a new country, of no warfare, famines, and poverty[3]. They would find themselves disappointed and marked as cowards somehow, quoted by Chen Yun, one veteran figure of CCP, " …[sic] Chinese are easy to control, they would never rebel even if they starve to death.[4]"
[7] Mao Zedong’s Vision for the Peasantry[5] and the Reality of the Great Leap Forward
Mao Zedong’s vision for the peasantry was central to the development and implementation of the Hukou system. Unlike the Soviet model, which primarily focused on the urban proletariat, Mao placed significant importance on the role of peasants in China’s socialist transformation. At the Seventh National Congress, Mao declared that “the peasants are the main force in the democratic politics of China at this stage; they are the predecessors of the workers, the main body of China’s industrial market.”7 This statement reflects Mao’s belief that the peasantry was not only crucial for agricultural production but also for the broader economic goals of the state, including industrialization. Mao envisioned a future where the industrialization of China would lead to a massive movement of people from the countryside to the cities and factories. He famously predicted, “In the future, tens of millions of peasants will enter the cities and the factories. If China needs to build strong national industries and many modern big cities, there will be a long process of changing the rural population into an urban population.”8
However, the reality of the Great Leap Forward starkly contradicted Mao’s vision. The campaign, which aimed to rapidly industrialize China through collectivization and mass mobilization, resulted in widespread economic dislocation and social upheaval. The failure of the Great Leap Forward highlighted the contradictions inherent in attempting to quickly and forcibly transform an agrarian society into an industrial one without the necessary infrastructure or planning. The Hukou system, initially intended to facilitate this transformation, instead became a tool for containing the chaos that ensued. The system’s rigid enforcement during this period prevented rural populations from fleeing the famine-stricken countryside, exacerbating the suffering caused by the Great Leap Forward’s policies.9
[8]
The Divergence from Soviet Practices and the Unique Path of the Chinese Hukou System
The divergence from Soviet practices in the development of the Hukou system is a critical aspect of understanding its unique role in Chinese society. While the Soviet Union and other East European Countries also employed internal passports/similar means to control population movement, the Chinese Hukou system was marked by way stricter controls, particularly over the rural population. This divergence was not merely ideological but was shaped by the specific conditions of China’s path to socialism. The Chinese Communist Party’s reliance on political movements and mass mobilization, as seen during the Great Leap Forward, necessitated a more rigid and comprehensive system of population control. The Hukou system became a cornerstone of this strategy, allowing the state to maintain a firm grip on the rural population, which was essential for both agricultural production and political stability.10 The system’s emphasis on social control reflected the CCP’s broader approach to governance, which prioritized maintaining order and preventing any challenges to the state’s authority.
The Consequences of High-Intensity Social Mobilization and the Entrenchment of the Urban-Rural Divide
The high-intensity social mobilization that characterized the Great Leap Forward had profound consequences for China’s economic and social landscape. As the state pushed forward with its ambitious goals, it soon became clear that the rapid expansion of the workforce was unsustainable. Zhou Enlai and other leaders recognized the need to curb this expansion, leading to the implementation of “anti-advancement” measures designed to reduce the workforce and restrict the movement of peasants. These measures were formalized with the introduction of the Regulations of the People’s Republic of China on Registration of Household Registration, which further strengthened the Hukou system and its role in controlling internal migration.11 The chaotic nature of the Great Leap Forward, combined with the state’s efforts to manage its consequences, ultimately led to the solidification of the urban-rural divide. The Hukou system, initially seen as a temporary measure, became an entrenched feature of Chinese society, one that would continue to shape the lives of millions for decades to come.
The Post-Famine Reorganization and the Solidification of the Hukou System
In the aftermath of the Great Leap Forward and the catastrophic famine it caused, the state undertook a significant reorganization of the population, with the Hukou system playing a central role. In an effort to manage the crisis, the state decentralized 20 million people, relocating them from urban areas to the countryside in a bid to alleviate urban overcrowding and reduce pressure on food supplies. This reorganization was accompanied by a renewed emphasis on the strict regulation of population movement, with the Hukou system being further strengthened to prevent any future mass migrations.12 The system’s role in this period was not just one of control but of survival, as the state sought to manage the fallout from its own policies. The solidification of the Hukou system during this time laid the foundation for the urban-rural dichotomy that would become a defining feature of Chinese society, with the consequences of these policies reverberating well into the future.
The Legacy of the Hukou System and Its Role in Shaping Deng China
The legacy of the Hukou system, established during the Great Leap Forward, is one of enduring socio-economic stratification. The system’s rigid classification of citizens into “agricultural” and “non-agricultural” categories has had a lasting impact on the distribution of resources, opportunities, and social mobility in China. By confining rural populations to areas with limited access to education, healthcare, and employment, the Hukou system entrenched a divide that would shape Chinese society for generations. Even as China has modernized and urbanized in the decades since the Great Leap Forward, the legacy of the Hukou system remains evident in the persistent disparities between urban and rural areas. The system, which was initially intended to facilitate the state’s economic goals, has instead become a symbol of the inequalities that continue to define the lives of millions of Chinese citizens.13
[1] This fits with the campaign-like movements of earlier PRC.
[2] Special meaning in PRC politics.
[3] He, Qiliang, Working the System: Motion Picture, Filmmakers, and Subjectivities in Mao-Era China, 1949-1966 (Hong Kong, 2023; online edn, Hong Kong Scholarship Online, 21 Sept. 2023), https://doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888805600.001.0001, accessed 15 Aug. 2024.
[4] Chen Yun in the economic turmoil of the Republic. Beijing: Central Literature Publishing House. 1996: 224 pages.
[5] 人民公社 (People's Commune) - There were all kinds of industries in the rural people's communes. During the busy farming season, members cultivated the land. During the slack farming season, the old and weak women stayed in the commune to manage the farmland and take care of the children. The young and strong labor force was organized to build water conservancy projects, dig rivers and reservoirs, plant trees, reclaim wasteland, reclaim land, build infrastructure and houses, and work in factories.
While building water conservancy projects, the cadres and members of the rural people's communes actively organized and established various types of small-scale community-run enterprises and factories according to the characteristics of local specialties. Organize and gather skilled craftsmen from all walks of life and various types of scientific and technological personnel to work in the commune's social enterprises and factories, and recruit members of various social enterprises and factories to work. They can help harvest grain during the busy farming season, and more members can be hired to work during the slack farming season.
There are members, workers, various shops, schools, health centers, red medical stations, factories, agricultural machinery stations, seed stations, nurseries, and nursing homes in rural people's communes. The "five guarantees" are implemented for the elderly, the weak, the sick, the disabled, and the families of military martyrs. There are government agencies, post offices, security police stations, militias, and some even have troops stationed. There are banks and various free social welfare. Isn't a complete and perfect rural people's commune a small town?
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