The states of Qi and Lu were well-known in ancient times for their observance of rituals. They played a pioneering role in transforming the customs of ancient clan societies, promoting Zhou rituals, and reforming societal norms. Many ancient funeral customs originated in Qi and Lu, especially the mourning of husbands by women, which had five distinct characteristics:

1. Content of the Lament: The laments had meaning. They involved both weeping and expressing grief, often combining crying and singing, moving both heaven and earth. The Book of Rites: Tan Gong records this custom: “Confucius once passed by Mount Tai and heard a woman wailing by a grave, her cries filled with sorrow. The Master halted to listen and sent Zilu to ask: ‘Your cries seem to express more than just one grief.’ The woman replied: ‘Indeed, my father-in-law died from a tiger attack, then my husband also died from a tiger, and now my son has perished in the same way.’ Confucius asked, ‘Why not leave this place?’ She replied, ‘There is no harsh government here.’ The Master said, ‘Remember, harsh governance is more fearsome than tigers.’” This woman’s words were spoken through her lament.
2. Adherence to Rituals: Mourning was observed in a disciplined manner, according to ritual. For example, Jing Jiang, the mother of Gongfu Wenbo of the State of Lu, followed the custom of "a widow should not mourn at night." She mourned her husband during the day and her son at night, demonstrating extraordinary self-control. The wife of Qiliang also resisted “official condolences” from Duke Zhuang of Lu, showing a firm and reasoned stand against improper conduct.

Men, too, were expected to observe restraint in their mourning. When the parents of Confucius’ disciple Gao Chai died, he mourned for three years, shedding tears of blood and never showing his teeth (smiling) during that time. Confucius considered this excessive.

1. Righteousness: The Fengsu Tong: Ten Contradictions recounts the story of Zhou Mengyu, the magistrate of Gaotang in Le’an (modern-day Huimin, Shandong). His nephew killed someone, and the governor, Sheng Liang, planned to go easy on him. Zhou Mengyu resigned and offered to take his nephew’s place in punishment. When he met Sheng Liang, he neither pleaded nor thanked him. Sheng Liang became angry and said, "Zhou Mengyu seeks to act righteously but neglects his own kin. How can I, as an official, violate the law?" Zhou Mengyu and his nephew were both executed. The nephew’s mother did not mourn her son but instead mourned for Zhou Mengyu, reflecting the unique sense of righteousness exhibited by women in Qi.

If we consider the mourning practices of men in Qi and Lu, another characteristic becomes clear: mourners could move heaven and earth. The Book of Later Han: Biography of Liu Yu records: "Zou Yan, a mere commoner, and the wife of Qiliang could cause extraordinary events like the collapse of walls and the fall of frost." Li Xian’s commentary quotes the Huainanzi: "Zou Yan served King Hui of Yan loyally but was slandered and imprisoned. As he looked up to the heavens and cried, frost fell for five days." Another source, Lie Nu Zhuan, recounts: "When Qiliang died in battle, his wife wept over his corpse beneath the city walls for seven days, and the walls crumbled."

1. Combination of Lament and Song: In Qi and Lu, the mourners combined lamentation with song. The Book of Rites: Tan Gong describes Confucius, on his deathbed, singing a sorrowful song: "Will Mount Tai collapse? Will the ridge beam break? Will the sage wither?" After singing, he entered his room and sat at the door. When Ziyou heard him, he said, "If Mount Tai collapses, where will we look to? If the ridge beam breaks and the sage withers, where will we place our trust?" Realizing that Confucius was dying, he hurried inside. This song, though technically a song, was close to weeping.

The Liezi: Tang Wen describes how Qi people combined singing and weeping, tracing this tradition back to a story involving Han E. "In the past, Han E, an impoverished singer, traveled east to Qi, where she sang to beg for food at the Yong Gate (of the city of Qi). After she left, the echoes of her song lingered around the beams for three days, moving everyone who heard it. When Han E stayed at an inn, the innkeeper insulted her, and in response, she wept mournfully. The villagers, moved to tears, mourned alongside her for three days without eating. They chased after her, begging her to return and sing again. When she did, she sang a joyful song, and the villagers, forgetting their previous sorrow, danced in joy. From that point on, the people of Yong Gate became skilled in both singing and mourning, inheriting Han E’s influence." Although this story attributes the tradition to Han E’s influence, the custom of combining singing and weeping existed in Qi long before, and the dirge originated in Qi.

1. The Dirge's Cultural Influence: By the Han Dynasty, those leading the funeral procession would sing dirges. These dirges, known as Xielu and Haoli, originated from folk songs in eastern Qi. The former was sung for kings and nobles, while the latter was sung for scholars, officials, and commoners. The Taiping Yulan cites Sou Shen Ji: "The dirge is the music of the bereaved. Those holding the coffin sing along in mourning. The dirge songs Xielu and Haoli originated from the followers of Tian Heng. After Heng committed suicide, his followers, in sorrow, composed these sad songs. They sang of human life being as fleeting as dew on blades of grass, lamenting that, like the dew, life is easily extinguished." The Ancient Ballad describes the lyrics of Xielu as follows:
   "Dew on grass withers quickly in the morning light; how soon will it return? When a person dies, they are gone forever."

The lyrics of Haoli are:

"Who owns this land in Haoli? Gather the souls, for death comes without distinction between the wise and the foolish. The lord of the underworld rushes us all—no one can delay."

The dirge, as a funeral song, held great significance in Qi culture and persisted in Chinese literary history.

齐鲁两国的哭丧和歌哭

齐鲁两国是古代的礼仪之邦，在改造远古社会氏族遗风，弘扬周礼，移风易俗方面，是率先垂范的地区。古代丧葬的许多风俗事象也都发端于齐鲁，尤其是齐鲁妇女的哭夫，有五个鲜明特点：

其一，有内容。哭中有诉，边哭边诉，虽哭犹唱，感天动地。《礼记·檀弓》就反映了这一习俗：“孔子过泰山侧，有妇人哭于墓者而哀，夫子式而听之。使子路问之曰：‘子之哭也，壹似重有忧者。’而曰：‘然，昔者吾舅死于虎，吾夫又死焉，今吾子又死焉。’夫子曰：‘何为不去也？’曰：‘无苛政。’夫子曰：‘小子识之，苛政猛于虎也。’”妇人的这段话就是哭诉出来的。

其二，有礼制。该哭的哭，不该的哭不哭。鲁国公父文伯之母敬姜，遵守“寡妇不夜哭”的礼制，昼哭丈夫，夜哭儿子，表现了超强的节制能力。上述杞梁妻不接受“郊吊”，对鲁庄公不尊重烈士的行为进行了有理有节的抵制。

不仅是女子，男子的哭也强调有节制。孔子弟子高柴父母死，“泣血三年，未尝见齿（不微笑露齿）”[1]，孔子“以为愚”。

其三，有义气。《风俗通·十反》载，高唐令乐安（今山东惠民）周孟玉的侄子使客杀人，被太守盛亮捕得，并把案子压下，准备从轻处理。周孟玉弃官自劾去替侄子顶罪，见到盛亮，一不乞请，二不辞谢。盛亮恼怒说：“周孟玉欲作抗直，不恤其亲，我何能枉宪乎！”周孟玉遂与侄子俱死。孟玉的弟妇不哭亲子，而哭孟玉，在哭丧方面表现了齐地妇女特有的“义气”。

如果结合齐鲁男子的哭，齐鲁地区的哭还应该有第四个特点：感天动地。

《后汉书·刘瑜传》载：“邹衍匹夫，杞氏匹妇，尚有城崩霜陨之异。”李贤注引《淮南子》说：“邹衍事燕惠王，尽忠。左右谮之，王系之，仰天而哭，五月天为之下霜。”引《列女传》曰：“齐人杞梁袭莒，战死，其妻无所归，乃就夫尸于城下而哭之，七日城崩。”

如果把哭丧与齐地的挽歌相结合，齐鲁地区哭的第五个特点是：哭唱结合。

《礼记·檀弓上》载：“孔子蚤作，负手曳杖，消摇于门，歌曰：‘泰山其颓乎！梁木其坏乎！哲人其萎乎！’既歌而入，当户而坐。子贡闻之曰：‘泰山其颓，则吾将安仰？梁木其坏、哲人其萎，则吾将安放？夫子殆将病也。’遂趋而入。”这是孔子临终前的悲哀，虽然是歌，却近乎哭。

《列子·汤问》把齐地的歌与哭连称，并叙述了齐地歌哭的渊源：“昔韩娥东之齐，匮粮，过雍门（齐城门），鬻歌假食。既去而余音绕梁欐，三日不绝，左右以其人弗去。过逆旅，逆旅人辱之。韩娥因曼（长）声哀哭，一里老幼悲愁垂涕相对，三日不食。遽而追之。娥还，复为曼声长歌，一里老幼善跃抃舞，弗能自禁，忘向之悲也。乃厚赂发之。故雍门之人至今善歌哭，放娥之遗声。”这里虽也肯定齐国雍门之人善歌哭，但说是受了韩娥的影响，却不尽然，齐地原有歌哭之风，挽歌产生于齐地，是有历史渊源的。

田文去世，谥号称孟尝君。田文的几个儿子争着继承爵位，随即齐、魏两国联合共同灭掉了薛邑。孟尝君绝嗣没有后代。山东滕州的薛国故城至今仍足迹可寻，故城东北有田文墓。北宋诗人陈洎在《过田文墓》中写道：

当年闻奏雍门琴，话著池台泪满襟。

何况今朝陵谷畔，池台无迹可追寻。

诗的第一句说的是“雍门琴谏”的典故。据西汉刘向《说苑·善说》载，雍门子周携琴谒见孟尝君，孟尝君问：“先生鼓琴亦能令文悲乎？”雍门子周曰：“臣何独能令足下悲哉？臣之所能令悲者，有先贵而后贱，先富而后贫者也。如果是遭暴乱无道之主，妄加不道之理；袭于穷巷，为四邻所厌弃，无所告愬；交欢相爱，无怨而生离，远赴绝国，无复相见之时；少失二亲，兄弟别离，家室不足，忧愁悲哀等情况，臣一为之徽胶援琴而长太息，则流涕沾衿矣。目前足下轻车肥马，门庭若市，鲜衣美食，威重望高，如日中天。方此之时，足下视天地曾不若一指，忘死与生，虽有善琴者，固未能令足下悲也。”孟尝君曰：“否！否！文固以为不然。”雍门子周曰：“然臣之所为足下悲者一事也。夫声敌帝而困秦者君也；连五国之约，南面而伐楚者又君也。天下未尝无事，不从（纵）则横，从（纵）成则楚王，横成则秦帝。楚王秦帝，必报雠（同仇）于薛矣。夫以秦、楚之强而报雠于弱薛，誉之犹摩萧斧（磨利斧）而伐朝菌也，必不留行矣。天下有识之士无不为足下寒心酸鼻者。千秋万岁后，庙堂必不血食矣。高台既以坏，曲池既以渐，坟墓既以下而青廷矣。婴儿竖子樵采薪荛者，蹢躅其足而歌其上，众人见之，无不愀焉，为足下悲之曰：‘夫以孟尝君尊贵乃可使若此乎？’”

雍门子周讲的“千秋万岁后，庙堂必不血食矣。高台既以坏，曲池既以渐，坟墓既以下而青廷矣。婴儿竖子樵采薪荛者，蹢躅（zhizhu）其足而歌其上”，意思是说，若干年后，您后代断绝，宗庙将无人祭祀，高台崩坏，曲池堙塞，坟墓上长满萋萋荒草，牧牛采樵者在上面徘徊而歌。这时，孟尝君早已听得潸然泪下。陈洎的“话著池台泪满襟”即指此。雍门子周一边侃侃而谈，一边引琴而鼓之。孟尝君涕浪汗增，唏嘘曰：“先生之鼓琴，令文立若破国亡邑之人也！”唐朝诗人张九龄诗“尝闻薛公泪，非直雍门琴”，清代诗人丘逢甲“池台无恙仍今日，已似闻琴对雍门”，指的都是这段典故。

此番“琴谏”，使孟尝君幡然醒悟，居安思危，采取了很多强国措施。

杞梁妻“哭夫”，“城为之阤”，“赴淄水而死”，鲜明地反映了妇女贞节典型化的过程。《左传·襄公二十三年》载，春秋齐国大夫杞梁殖在攻打莒国战斗中牺牲，齐军班师时在郊外遇上杞梁殖之妻孟姜，齐庄公派人向她吊唁。孟姜知道，庶人和微小之臣才受郊吊，自己的丈夫是大夫，应隆重地到家吊唁，就据礼拒绝了。《礼记·檀弓下》、《孟子·告子下》又引出“杞梁之妻善哭其夫而变国俗”的说法，故事的重心发生偏离。到刘向《说苑·善说》又增加了杞梁妻“向城而哭，隅为之崩，城为之阤”的说法。《列女传·贞顺》又增加了杞梁妻“赴淄水而死”的情节，哭夫、崩城、投水已成系列。唐朝以后形成的孟姜女哭长城的传说，已脱离历史而面目全非了。

从汉代开始，执绋者要高唱挽歌。挽歌取材于齐国东部的歌谣，有《薤（xiè）露》、《蒿里》两首，前者送王公贵人，后者送士、大夫、平民。

《太平御览》卷五五二《礼仪部三一·挽歌》引干宝《搜神记》曰：“挽歌者，丧家之乐；执绋者，相和之声也。挽歌词有《薤露》、《蒿里》二章，出田横门人。横自杀，门人伤之，为悲歌。言人如薤上露，易晞灭也。亦谓人死，精魂于蒿里。”该书引《古辞》，《薤露》的歌词是：

薤露朝露何易晞，明朝更复露，人死一去何时归？

《蒿里》的歌词是：

蒿里谁家地？聚敛精魂无贤愚，鬼伯一何相催促，人命不得少踟蹰。

《古辞》接下来讲：“至李延年乃分为二曲，《薤露》送王公贵人，《蒿里》送士、大夫、庶人，使挽柩者歌之。”可知挽歌起始于齐地田横门人，到汉武帝正式使挽柩者唱挽歌。

从汉代开始，执绋者要高唱取材于齐国东部的挽歌。《晋书·礼志中》讲：“汉魏故事，大丧及大臣之丧，执绋者挽歌。新礼以为，挽歌出于汉武帝役人之劳歌，声哀切，遂以为送终之礼。”

唐朝齐州临淄（今属山东）人段成式《酉阳杂俎》续集卷四《贬误》又对挽歌作了较为全面的考证：“世说挽歌起于田横，为横死，从者不敢大哭，为歌以寄哀也。挚虞《新礼议》：‘挽歌出于汉武帝，役人劳苦，歌声哀切，遂以送终，非古制也。’工部郎中严厚本云：‘挽歌其来久矣。据《左氏传》，公会吴子伐齐，将战，公孙夏命其徒歌《虞殡》，示必死也。’予近读《庄子》曰：‘绋讴于所生，必于斥苦。’司马彪注云：‘绋，读曰拂，引柩索。讴，挽歌。斥，疏缓。苦，急促。言引绋讴者，为人用力也。’”636页

起源于齐地的挽歌还在中国文学史上占有重要的地位。《薤露》、《蒿里》在魏晋南北朝发展为乐府诗《薤露行》、《蒿里行》，具有典型意义的是曹操的《薤露》、《蒿里行》。其中“白骨露于野，千里无鸡鸣。生民百遗一，念之断人肠”，成为催人断肠的千古佳句。

魏晋南北朝隋唐的挽歌不再局限于《薤露》、《蒿里》，可随意而作。《隋书·卢思道传》载：“（北齐）文宣帝崩，当朝文士各作挽歌十首，择其善者而用之。”北齐名士魏收、阳休之、祖孝征各被选中一二首，卢思道独得八首。

到明清时期，挽歌演变为鼓吹乐队，临淄称作“鼓吹部”，且参与到初终、报庙、小殓、大殓、送葬的全过程中。富贵者还在影壁处“假优衣冠为福、禄、寿三星及八仙状”，“婆娑为舞”。

[1] 《礼记·檀弓上》，载《十三经注疏》，中华书局1980年版。

Credits to Idwel Gao for featured photo.