变化的时代里，历史轻起重落，在中国改革开放初期，政府从当地村民收回大片农田，并在这些土地的基础上划定新村范围，农民房因为深圳大量移民的住房需求，成为炙手可热的出租屋。常闲坐村中亭子喝茶聊天的房东张先生，他说这辈子就做了两件事情，从捕鱼到“种”房子，大可以看到深圳实现农业到房地产业另类产业升级，小可以看到让张先生实现了财富自由。没有像网上流传的段子一样，腰间挂着一串串钥匙，拿着蛇皮袋穿着人字拖挨家挨户收房租，因为他把自己在城中村的房产转给了“二房东”，现在租房市场上最多的还是职业二房东，二房东从大房东那边收房子，一般有两种合作模式：委托模式或者租赁模式，不同之处在于，如果大房东把房子委托给二房东，那么二房东不仅有租赁的权利还要对房子的装修等全权负责，从古至今，二房东这个行当一直有人做，不用担心他是否能赚到钱，他们最拿手的就是剪刀手，从水电费到房租，他们竖起的食指和中指不是“爱与和平”，而是丰厚的租房差价。
2014年之前是“二房东”迅速膨胀的黄金时期，市场整体租金不高，人口持续流入，租赁机构还未出世，夫妻店，老乡店遍地开花，闷声发大财。他们深谙本地各项资源，巧加利用，不断强化再强化，形成未来规模化的潜力。但是随意涨房租、收高价水电费成霸王规则、私扩房间隔板房成获利手段，种种隐患让这些“二房东”成为巴结在城中村这根“萝卜”上的泥。
除了类似二房东的“生长痛”，违法建筑多，违法事件多，环境卫生差等“基础病”也不少，虽然经过政府持续综合治理，城中村的居住环境有所改善。但是，城市公共服务项目的提供，涉及各方利益面众多，需要满足的各项功能甚广，在操作执行中既要高屋建瓴也要抽丝剥茧。
而把视角放大，把时间拉长。自2008年起，商品住房市场投资价值飙升，在面对人多地少矛盾的深圳，占用大量稀缺土地的城中村不得不面对拆迁的命运。对于村民来说，房龄一次性买断比长期收益的诱惑更大，大量城中村的拆除重建导致租客不断迁徙，中低收入人群无房可租等社会问题频生，政府深圳市城中村（旧村）总体规划（2018-2025），文件指出，深圳市从城市发展战略高度出发，以加快建设社会主义现代化先行区为目标，以提高城市发展质量和提升城市竞争力为核心，保留城市发展弹性，在特定时间内保留一定比例的城中村。也就是说，深圳不再以“消灭”城中村来换取城市发展红利。
国企安居微棠的成立拉开了城中村规模化改造的序幕，住在“村”子里的人焦虑情绪蔓延，担心经过改造后，城中村的房租更加贵了，担心深圳不要他们了……虽然，深圳官方回应“统租”非议，但似乎并没有打消租客的疑虑。
English Translated Version:
In times of change, history shifts subtly but significantly. In the early days of China's reform and opening-up, the government reclaimed large tracts of farmland from local villagers and designated areas for new village developments. As Shenzhen saw a large influx of migrants, the demand for housing spiked, and the "farmer's houses" became a hot commodity for rental properties. Mr. Zhang, a landlord who often sits in the village pavilion, sipping tea and chatting with others, says he has only done two things in his life—fishing and "growing" houses. This story illustrates Shenzhen's unique industrial upgrade from agriculture to real estate, and on a smaller scale, it shows how Mr. Zhang achieved financial freedom. Unlike the popular online jokes about landlords with bunches of keys hanging from their waists, carrying snake-skin bags and going door-to-door collecting rent, Mr. Zhang handed over his property to "sub-landlords." In the current rental market, professional "sub-landlords" dominate. These sub-landlords rent properties from large landlords, typically under two models: commission-based or lease-based. The difference is that in the commission model, the sub-landlord only has the right to lease the property, but in the lease model, the sub-landlord assumes full responsibility for the property, including renovation and maintenance. The profession of sub-landlords has existed for centuries, and there's no need to worry about whether they make money—they’re skilled at maximizing profits, whether from rent differences or utility charges.
Before 2014, the sub-landlord industry saw rapid expansion during a "golden period." Market rents were relatively low, the population kept flowing in, and rental agencies had not yet emerged. Small family-run shops, often run by people from the same hometown, flourished, making quiet fortunes. They were well-versed in local resources, skillfully leveraging them, and reinforcing their dominance. But as rents were raised arbitrarily, utility fees soared, and rooms were partitioned illegally to maximize profits, these sub-landlords became like dirt stuck to the "carrot" of urban villages.
In addition to the "growing pains" of sub-landlords, urban villages also face issues like illegal construction, violations, and poor sanitation. Although the government has been conducting continuous comprehensive management to improve the living conditions, urban public services involve many parties with conflicting interests and needs. In practice, the execution of these services must be both broad in vision and meticulous in detail.
Taking a broader view and extending the timeline, since 2008, the investment value of commercial housing has soared. In Shenzhen, a city grappling with the contradiction of high population and limited land, urban villages occupying scarce land have had to face the fate of demolition. For villagers, the option to sell their properties in one lump sum for a fixed amount is more attractive than the temptation of long-term rental income. The mass demolition and reconstruction of urban villages have led to increasing migration, with many low- and middle-income groups unable to find affordable housing, which in turn leads to a series of social problems. According to the Shenzhen City Urban Village (Old Village) General Planning (2018-2025), the document points out that Shenzhen, with its strategic urban development goals, aims to accelerate the construction of a socialist modernization pilot zone, improve the quality of urban development, and enhance the city's competitiveness. It also maintains flexibility in its development by keeping a certain proportion of urban villages for a specific period of time. This means that Shenzhen will no longer "eliminate" urban villages in exchange for development dividends.
The establishment of the state-owned enterprise "Anju Weitang" marked the beginning of large-scale redevelopment in urban villages. As people living in these villages grew anxious about the future, many feared that after redevelopment, rents would rise even higher, and some feared they would be left behind in Shenzhen. Despite the official government response rejecting the criticism of "unified leasing," the doubts among tenants have not been fully alleviated.
